Chicago – The American Civil Liberties Union and the Electronic Frontier Foundation (EFF) told a panel of the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit sitting in Seattle, Washington today that Congress acted in an unconstitutional fashion when it passed legislation granting sweeping immunity to telecoms that collaborated in illegal spying. The argument is the latest development in more than thirty cases consolidated in the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of California that challenged the phone companies’ sharing of millions of personal phone records and communications with the federal government. The ACLU lawsuits filed on behalf of dozens of plaintiffs – including renowned Chicago journalist Studs Terkel, former California Congressman Tom Campbell, journalist Robert Scheer and actor Richard Belzer – challenge the unlawful collaboration of major telecommunications companies – including AT&T – with the government’s warrantless dragnet surveillance of electronic communications and records.

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At the core of the plaintiffs’ presentation today is the contention that the Congress acted unconstitutionally in extending authority to the Attorney General to file a certification with the court that granted immunity to the telecoms for their actions. As the ACLU and EFF make clear,” the Attorney General has functionally repealed, in part, the federal statutes governing the plaintiffs’ lawsuits.”

The ACLU’s argument also focuses in particular on the fact that Congress has eliminated all claims against the telecoms not only for violations of federal statutes, like Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act and the Electronic Communications Privacy Act, that Congress enacted, but also for violations of the constitutional rights of its customers. While the telecoms argue that a lawsuit against the government is still available, ACLU and EFF assert that a court injunction binding the telecoms is necessary. The ACLU and EFF brief notes that telecoms are highly regulated with numerous incentives to comply with invasive government requests. This assertion is borne out by the history of these companies providing assistance to federal intelligence gathering efforts, including the behavior in question in these lawsuits. Here, the telecoms, along with the National Security Agency, violated the constitutional and associational rights of millions of people.

The ACLU asserts that Congress’ grant of immunity denies their clients (and all the clients in these combined cases) any judicial remedy whatsoever for their federal constitutional claims against the telecoms. In short, the ACLU argues, the telecoms violated our clients’ constitutional rights and Congress has blocked, unconstitutionally, those claims from being heard in a court.

“Under our constitutional system, Congress cannot bar all claims for enforcing federal constitutional rights,” said Harvey Grossman, legal director for the American Civil Liberties Union of Illinois and co-lead counsel for the combined cases challenging the actions of the telecoms. “The courts – not the Congress and the Executive branch – must determine if constitutional rights have been violated. The grant of immunity issued by Congress has blocked our clients’ access to the courts to consider these constitutional claims.”

The ACLU also notes that the bill permitting the Attorney General to block these lawsuits empowers action “for his own policy reasons” and contains very few standards.

"Congress ducked its responsibility by giving the Attorney General complete discretion to decide whether the telecoms are immune from our ongoing lawsuits and significantly limited judicial review over that executive decision," said Julia Harumi Mass, staff attorney for the ACLU of Northern California. "Our constitutional system of checks and balances is designed to limit concentrations of power in one branch. Allowing this law to stand would encourage big companies to seek similar immunity--under a cloak of secrecy--for conduct that violates consumers' rights or environmental protections in the future."

The hearing today centers on the results flowing from passage of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act Amendments of 2008 which mandates that courts dismiss any cases against AT&T or other telecommunications companies if the Attorney General chooses to file a secret certification attesting that the executive branch told the phone companies that the surveillance was lawful. Under the immunity provisions, the federal court does not determine whether the spying was in fact legal, but only that the representation of legality was made by the executive branch. Then Attorney General Michael Mukasey filed a certification in these cases. This certification, according to the ACLU and EFF, was not surprising, since the Attorney General argued for immunizing the telecoms in public statements and in testimony before the law was passed in public statements and in testimony before Congress.

“There is good reason to believe that the telecoms violated both the privacy and the trust of millions of Americans. This Court should not permit a fundamentally flawed statute to block our clients from establishing in court whether the telecoms did in fact violate the law,” said Peter Eliasberg, Legal Director for the ACLU Foundation of Southern California.

“A fundamental tenet of the rule of law is that plaintiffs must have a right to raise claims when their fundamental rights are violated,” said David Blair-Loy, legal director of the ACLU of San Diego and Imperial Counties. “We hope the Court will act to open the courthouse doors once again to our clients whose privacy and constitutional rights were violated by these companies.”

The cases heard today in the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit include: Terkel, et. al. v. AT&T, Riordan v. Verizon, Campbell v. AT&T and Hepting v. AT&T.

The argument for the plaintiffs was shared between Cindy Cohn, legal director for the Electronic Frontier Foundation, and Harvey Grossman, legal director for the American Civil Liberties Union of Illinois.

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EARLIER this month, the Senate Intelligence Committee and the White House agreed to allow the executive branch to conduct dragnet interceptions of the electronic communications of people in the United States. They also agreed to "immunize" American telephone companies from lawsuits charging that after 9/11 some companies collaborated with the government to violate the Constitution and existing federal law. I am a plaintiff in one of those lawsuits, and I hope Congress thinks carefully before denying me, and millions of other Americans, our day in court.During my lifetime, there has been a sea change in the way that politically active Americans view their relationship with government. In 1920, during my youth, I recall the Palmer raids in which more than 10,000 people were rounded up, most because they were members of particular labor unions or belonged to groups that advocated change in American domestic or foreign policy. 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Because the petitions were thought to be Communist-inspired, I lost my ability to work in television and radio after refusing to say that I had been "duped" into signing my name to these causes.By the 1960s, the inequities in civil rights and the debate over the Vietnam war spurred social justice movements. The government's response? More surveillance. In the name of national security, the F.B.I. conducted warrantless wiretaps of political activists, journalists, former White House staff members and even a member of Congress.Then things changed. In 1975, the hearings led by Senator Frank Church of Idaho revealed the scope of government surveillance of private citizens and lawful organizations. As Americans saw the damage, they reached a consensus that this unrestrained surveillance had a corrosive impact on us all.In 1978, with broad public support, Congress passed the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, which placed national security investigations, including wiretapping, under a system of warrants approved by a special court. The law was not perfect, but as a result of its enactment and a series of subsequent federal laws, a generation of Americans has come to adulthood protected by a legal structure and a social compact making clear that government will not engage in unbridled, dragnet seizure of electronic communications.The Bush administration, however, tore apart that carefully devised legal structure and social compact. To make matters worse, after its intrusive programs were exposed, the White House and the Senate Intelligence Committee proposed a bill that legitimized blanket wiretapping without individual warrants. The legislation directly conflicts with the Fourth Amendment of the Constitution, requiring the government to obtain a warrant before reading the e-mail messages or listening to the telephone calls of its citizens, and to state with particularity where it intends to search and what it expects to find.Compounding these wrongs, Congress is moving in a haphazard fashion to provide a "get out of jail free card" to the telephone companies that violated the rights of their subscribers. Some in Congress argue that this law-breaking is forgivable because it was done to help the government in a time of crisis. But it’s impossible for Congress to know the motivations of these companies or to know how the government will use the private information it received from them.And it is not as though the telecommunications companies did not know that their actions were illegal. Judge Vaughn Walker of federal district court in San Francisco, appointed by President George H. W. 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